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- The defence vote was cut down in a most reprehensible manner ; but that is a matter with which I shall deal later. The honorable member for Bland expressed the opinion that forces on land would prove quite sufficient for the defence of the Commonwealth. Of course all these are matters of speculation, and I do not pose as a naval or military expert ; but I cannot find myself in agreement with the honorable member for Bland until a resolution has been carried that in future all naval engagements shall be fought on the Yarra. Until a determination to that effect has been arrived at, Australia must be prepared to take a part in her own defence. Our great difficulty is want of cash, and we are now asked to pay an increased subsidy. The extra £94,000 is not much, but, as I said before, the question is whether the service will be worth the expenditure. Are we prepared to establish a navy of our own ; and, if so, is there a possibility of that establishment being effective within a reasonable time ? The Prime Minister has informed us that the dreadful Braddon section in the Constitution prevents our taking up the duty of defenders of this portion of the Empire, and this means that we must fallback on the motherland. If that be the true position, then all we can do is to pay this extra £94,000. Of course, we might establish a navy like that of some of the South American Republics, and have one modern gunboat ; but I am afraid that the whole of the time of that boat would be engaged in running around Australia in the effort to guard our shores. This question of naval defence reminds one of the scare which was raised years ago in order to frighten Australia into federation. . We were then told to be aware of the Chinaman, and subsequently to be aware of the Jap, and warned that our only means of protection was federation ; but, as we know, two years afterwards . little Japan conquered great China. My own opinion is that our greatest protection lies, first of all, in our isolation, and, secondly, in open ports. There is not the slightest doubt that open ports would prove far more effective as a means of security than any expenditure on naval defence can be for many years to come. Of course, if the Prime Minister supports a policy of expansion, and assumes responsibilities in the Southern seas," there is no doubt that Australia must share those responsibilities. Great Britain is the mistress of the Southern seas, and it is our duty to assist in maintaining the Empire. There is a naval base in Sydney, and the amount we are asked to contribute to the naval subsidy is a fleabite compared with the cost to which the motherland is put in maintaining the fleet in Port Jackson. The amount of £94,000 as compared with £35,000,000 expended on Imperial defence is ridiculous ; and that we should be asked to make such a contribution may be taken as more of a compliment than anything else. As to preferential trade, recent occurrences have shown us that it does not do to go too far ahead in the march. The Empire is marching very strongly just now, and during the South African war Australia did her share, as I am sure she would do again under similar circumstances. Mr. Chamberlain has found during the last two or three days that it does not do to get too much in the van. That Minister is a- practical statesman, but he has his poetic flights, and the Australian people, while regarding him with great respect, will, like the English people, refuse to dance as puppets at his court. We recognise the work which Mr. Chamberlain has done in the consolidation of the Empire. But, at the same time, it is to be doubted whether the people will take the great jump which that gentleman now invites them to take. I notice that the Prime Minister has put preferential trade in the back part of his programme, although, when he left England and when he arrived here, that question received great attention at his hands at public meetings and in newspaper interviews. Mr. Chamberlain has found that the people of Great Britain are not prepared to pay any extra tax on their food supplies ; and certainly the masses of Australia are by no means willing to carry any further burdens. The Australian people, in cases of necessity, will carry their share of the load ; but they refuse to take a step of the kind now apparently contemplated, simply to be the toy of a statesman, however high the position he occupies. To me it appears that Mr. Chamberlain has held (out preferential trade as a bogy to foreign nations ; at any rate, it is difficult to ascertain whether he really intends or wishes such a scheme to be carried into effect, or whether he merely threw out the suggestion as a feeler. In any case, over 100 conservative members' of the Imperial Parliament, who are supporters of Mr. Chamberlain, are not taking the high responsibility usually assumed by them, but are acting, as Australian Members of Parliament would act in reference to smaller matters, and are carefully feeling the pulse of the electorates. All this tends to show that Mr. Chamberlain has gone too far ahead of the regiment. We are now marching in time to Imperial music. The Empire is not held together by mere conservative sentiments, but rather by a statesmanlike recognition of the characteristics of our own race. Personally, I do not suppose that we shall hear any more of preferential trade, which is a mere device of the protectionists. Free-traders know that an open port cultivates no desire of invasion amongst foreign powers; although that may well be the result of the erection of Tariff walls. The settlement of the federal capital site depends on the "Government. The Prime Minister says that he is tired of a local and commercial atmosphere, and desires a federal atmosphere; and if that be the feeling, I trust that the compact with New South Wales will be observed this session. Certainly, if the Government are in earnest that compact will be carried out, but if they are not in earnest, nothing that the Opposition can do will tend to an immediate settlement of the question. I am glad to see that the Prime Minister gives this matter a foremost place in the speech of His Excellency, and I trust that it may find a foremost place in legislation. In the matter of the Defence Hill, I see that some of the obnoxious provisions which were before us last year are being dropped. What blame there is in reference to this measure lies at the door of the Government, who, in the treatment of the Defence Estimates by the House, received a rebuff of which even the Prime Minister must feel ashamed. On two occasions were the Defence Estimates taken out of the hands of responsible Ministers and mutilated at the sweet will of honorable members. This is a department of great influence and importance, and yet the Estimates were thrown on to the table without explanation or defence. If the Minister had said that after close inquiry and careful consideration they were of opinion that the Estimates should be passed as submitted, there is not much doubt that the House would have voted accordingly.